⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ Police Stereotyping Research Paper

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Police Stereotyping Research Paper



Briggs, J. Thornton, C. After reading the essays, the subjects moved on to a difficult creativity Police Stereotyping Research Paper that requires you Police Stereotyping Research Paper identify the one key word that unites Police Stereotyping Research Paper seemingly unassociated words. Our point is to suggest that, even assuming explicit biases away, the existence Police Stereotyping Research Paper implicit biases still leaves African Americans vulnerable to overpolicing. Racial Disparities in Child Aversity in the U. This Squeaky In Raymonds Run on for many minutes and Police Stereotyping Research Paper trials. Dausey, and R.

Gender stereotypes and education

Other reasons also caution against the conclusion that racialized policing is solely a white officer phenomenon. First, the legal backdrop against which police officers act is the same for black and white officers. In particular, like white officers, black officers can draw on Fourth Amendment law as a source of empowerment to target other African Americans. See infra section II. E, pp. Second, conscious or unconscious racial biases might lead black police officers to aggressively police other African Americans.

A, pp. Third, black police officers, like white police officers, might experience a set of anxieties or vulnerabilities that increase the likelihood that they will mobilize violence against other African Americans. A relatively new body of research demonstrates that police officers who feel that their masculinity is being challenged or undermined in the context of a particular interaction are more likely to use violence than officers who do not experience that masculinity threat. Still another reason to believe that black police officers might end up racially targeting African Americans relates to some structural features of policing. If police officers are specifically deployed to proactively police communities in which African Americans live — and if their performance evaluations, pay increases, and promotions are tied to, among other measures, the number of stops and frisks they conduct, the number of citations they issue, and the number of arrests they effectuate — black police officers, like white police officers, will end up having significant contact with African Americans.

Times Mag. Feagin , Black in Blue: African-American Police Officers and Racism —04 noting that officers who stood up to injustice were viewed as oversensitive, troublemakers, or radical ; R. We should be clear to note that, notwithstanding what we have said thus far, at the end of the day, the question of whether and how black officers are implicated in racially motivated policing against other African Americans is an empirical question. One of the reasons our arguments are largely, though not entirely, theoretical is because the empirical evidence on the racial quality and effects of black policing points in contradictory directions.

See Thompson , supra note 29, at 81—83 discussing early studies and their limitations ; see also, e. In this respect, our goal in the rest of this Part is relatively modest: to suggest that it cannot be so readily assumed that, with respect to African American communities, black policing and white policing look fundamentally different. We begin with a discussion of same-race biases. The basic point here is that African Americans and other people of color have some of the same racial biases against other African Americans that white people have. Consider, for example, the phenomenon of implicit biases. In order to make sense of our world and our experiences, our minds have developed mental processes that operate automatically, unintentionally, and without our conscious awareness.

For a more robust discussion of implicit biases, see generally Richardson, supra note 4, at —56 describing how implicit biases can affect interactions between police officers and citizens. Research in the field of social psychology reveals that humans have developed unconscious, that is, implicit, associations related to race that consist of ste-reotypes and attitudes about racial groups that often conflict with their consciously held thoughts and feelings. See id. Over four decades of research reveals that both whites and African Americans unconsciously associate black people with negative values and white people with positive ones.

That is, they associate blackness with negativity and whiteness with positivity. Jost et al. Second, both whites and African Americans generally hold negative stereotypes of other black people, including stereotypes of black people as criminally inclined, violent, and dangerous. Importantly, this effect emerged among both black and nonblack police and probation officers. At least implicitly, then, black police officers likely feel just as unsafe around the average young black man in the inner city as do white police officers. Studies reveal that police officers are not immune from these implicit racial biases.

There is no good reason a priori why we would expect them to be. Moreover, implicit biases are most likely to influence behaviors and judgments in situations where decisionmaking is highly discretionary, information is limited and ambiguous, and individuals are cognitively depleted. Compass , ; Tiffani J. Johnson et al. Emergency Med. These are the conditions under which most police officers, including black police officers, operate on the street. As an indication of the kind of empirical evidence that bears out the implicit biases of police officers, consider the shooter-bias line of research. In these studies, subjects, including police officers, watch a video that contains photographs of either black men or white men posed in front of different backgrounds and holding either guns or crime-irrelevant objects such as cell phones.

Correll et al. Studies similarly demonstrate that offi-cers who work in neighborhoods with high percentages of black individuals are more likely to exhibit shooter bias. Relevant for our purposes is the fact that African Americans, including African American police officers, evince shooter bias as well. See Correll et al. Sadler et al. Issues , finding that Latino officers did not differ from white officers in response time or accuracy ; see also Joshua Correll et al.

These studies show no difference between white and nonwhite participants in community samples. Moreover, evidence shows that police departments with more black officers engage in more racial profiling than those with fewer black officers. Vicky M. See Civil Rights Div. According to the DOJ, police officers in New Orleans failed to articulate sufficient facts to justify stops, searches, and arrests. Alpert et al. Robert A. The foregoing might explain why there is only limited evidence that police forces with more minority officers show more equitable patterns of policing.

See generally id. This brings us back to our more central point: as a result of implicit racial biases, officers are more likely to focus their attention on black, rather than white, individuals. For more in-depth analysis of the concepts discussed in this section, see Richardson, supra note 4, at — This is true even when the officers are consciously egalitarian, reject racial profiling, or are black themselves. See Jennifer L. Eberhardt et al. Finally, these implicit biases may cause officers to evaluate any ambiguous behaviors they observe as more consistent with threat and criminality than innocence and may influence how quickly officers identify, or misidentify, weapons. On some level, the fact that implicit biases influence black and white officers alike should not surprise us, particularly because the nature of police work requires officers to think about crime.

Researchers have found that simply thinking about crime is sufficient to trigger unconscious racial biases in police officers and that these biases influence their behaviors in ways that disadvantage blacks. The very nature of policing, then, is effectively a racial prime for blackness. This is important to note because practicing associations — racial or otherwise — strengthens them.

This might explain why officers working in these majority-minority areas exhibit higher levels of implicit bias than those who do not. That we have focused on implicit bias in this way is not to suggest that explicit biases are not also at play. Quite likely they are. Our point is to suggest that, even assuming explicit biases away, the existence of implicit biases still leaves African Americans vulnerable to overpolicing. Both of us have elsewhere laid out the main perceived threats that cause officers to overpolice black men. The analysis here draws on those frameworks and applies portions of them to black police officers to illuminate how they, too, are susceptible to these self-threats. We are immensely grateful to our respective coauthors in those articles for their contributions to this essay.

Here, as there, we focus on four main threats: social dominance threat, stereotype threat, masculinity threat, and racial solidarity threat. Social Dominance Threat. Felicia Pratto et al. To work smoothly, these ideologies must be widely accepted within a society, appearing as self-apparent truths; hence we call them hierarchy-legitimizing myths. Under the theory, people who endorse such ideologies are said to have a social dominance orientation, or SDO. Pratto et al. Although scholars typically describe SDO as an individual difference variable, empirical evidence suggests that it is also a group-based phenomenon.

Members of high-status groups generally have a stronger SDO than members of lower-status groups. Jim Sidanius et al. Applied Soc. Eric D. Knowles et al. While the former has the potential to effect change, the latter tends to entrench inequality. Professor Eric Knowles and colleagues found that whites who perceived more threat from blacks tended to endorse procedural colorblindness more strongly. Moreover, asking whites to identify their ethnicity, which was shown in pretesting to cause whites to think about racial threat, was associated with spontaneous generation of procedural as opposed to distributive descriptions of what colorblindness is.

The authors interpreted these findings as evidence that whites feeling threatened would selectively endorse ideologies that maintained their high social status. Social dominance theory likely applies to policing. Various features of police training instantiate norms of social dominance. For example, officers are instructed to maintain control over every interaction because any threat to their authority is potentially dangerous. Alpert, Roger G. For one thing, simply asserting rights could undermine the hierarchy upon which social dominance policing rests. This is precisely why many black parents expressly instruct their children to overcomply during their engagements with the police.

Carbado, E racing the Fourth Amendment , Mich. Lopez , Am. Some of our findings suggest that police act in ways to maintain this disparity. As one scholar observes:. The police may begin a spiral of conflict that increases the risks of harm for both the police and for the public. Tom R. Although not as robust as that of white officers, black police officers typically evidence relatively high levels of SDO. See Sidanius et al. Note that the social dominance literature deals in relative endorsement of statements used to gauge SDO, rather than absolute endorsement, limiting what is known about exactly how strongly officers, or civilians, openly endorse dominance attitudes.

Yet such an orientation does not, a priori, guarantee that black police officers would be committed to social dominance policing. Shana Levin et al. One way to understand this in the context of policing would be to say that black police officers are unlikely to manifest social dominance—oriented policing against other black men unless they perceive the policing practices of their police department to be legitimate. A range of incentives exist for black police officers to view their departmental practices in precisely this way.

A closely related theory to social dominance theory, system justification theory, explores why some low-status group members would endorse hierarchy-enhancing ideologies and engage in other behavior that runs counter to their group interests. For instance, research suggests that low-income individuals tend not to support income redistribution efforts, a perplexing phenomenon. For further discussion of this point, see John T. This sort of behavior is problematic in the context of classic psychological theories like social identity theory, which predict that individuals will generally act to elevate the status and esteem of themselves and their group.

See generally Michael A. Burke ed. The particular overlaps and distinctions between system justification theory and social dominance theory are beyond the scope of this paper. For excellent discussions of the two theories, see Jost et al. First, to view policing practices as illegitimate is to tell oneself that one is doing life-and-death work for a system that is not simply unjust but racially unjust. Our reference to life and death here is particularly relevant because system justification is predicted by mortality salience, such that individuals who consider their own death frequently tend to system justify more than those who do not. Erin P. Hennes et al. Cognition , , —77 Second, people are more likely to justify systems and organizational cultures when they have a desire to create a common or shared experience.

Eugene A. Third, individuals who are dependent on an organization or system tend to justify it. See Aaron C. To the extent that black and white police officers alike rely on police authority to maintain their safety, they may take comfort in seeing that system as legitimate and well constructed. This should not be taken to suggest that black and white officers experience system justification similarly, however. To the contrary, an important element of system justification theory is that system justification operates fundamentally differently for high- as opposed to low-status individuals.

Note how different a calculus is necessary for low-status individuals, however. For these individuals, system justification motives act counter to group esteem motives. For a Latina woman, for instance, believing that the system is just requires that she endorse the view that women, Latinos, and particularly Latina women are less able or less motivated and thus less deserving of high status than whites, men, and particularly white men. Thus, whereas for high-status members of a social system, endorsement of legitimizing myths like meritocracy should be relatively consistent across individuals and situations, for low-status members, the theory dictates that contextual or personal factors will predict whether legitimizing myths are endorsed.

Ho et al. Experimental Soc. To appreciate how explicit biases might be operating here, it is helpful to distinguish between intentional discrimination on the basis of animus and discrimination on the basis of stereotype. For the most part, black police officers will not harbor racial animus toward other African Americans. That is, blacks do not, on average, associate blackness with negativity and whiteness with positivity. Nosek et al. This claim, however, can be understood fully only in context: whereas blacks on average do not show an implicit bias against their group, they also do not on average show an implicit bias toward their group. Rather, they show no evaluative preference at all, which contrasts them with whites, who show a strong implicit preference for their own group.

But, for some of the reasons we have already discussed, blacks may harbor racial stereotypes that could cause them both to use violence against other African Americans, on the one hand, and to legitimize the practice more generally, on the other. All of this is to say that high-SDO, low-status individuals will sometimes push back against systems that enhance hierarchy. These perceptions would legitimize the utilization of aggressive policing tactics against a group that is presumptively perceived to be violent and dangerous — African Americans generally and black men in particular.

See sources cited supra note Stereotype Threat. Stereotype threat refers to the anxiety that occurs when people are concerned about confirming a negative stereotype about a social group they value and to which they belong. See Claude M. Psychologist , ; Claude M. People can experience stereotype threat even when they do not endorse the stereotype or believe it applies to them.

All that is required is that individuals are aware of the negative stereotype and are in a situation that raises concerns that they will be judged in terms of that stereotype. Across a number of studies, researchers have learned that police officers experience stereotype threat arising from the concern that they will be perceived as racist by the civilians they encounter. Disturbingly, these concerns can result in racial violence.

Studies demonstrate that the more officers experience stereotype threat, the more likely they are to use greater force against black suspects relative to individuals of other racial groups, both in the lab and in the real world. After all, if officers believe that civilians do not respect their authority, they will be quicker to think that words alone will be insufficient to control the situation and be more likely to use physical force as a result. In fact, one study found that when officers believed that civilians did not respect them and did not view them as legitimate, officers were more likely to believe that interactions with these individuals would be more dangerous.

Phillip Atiba Goff et al. That finding is particularly problematic for African Americans. Goff et al. Recent research provides evidence to support this theory. The study we have in mind involved police officers from a large urban police department. The more officers experienced stereotype threat, the less likely they were to perceive themselves as legitimate. Furthermore, officers who experienced stereotype threat felt less confident in their authority. Since stereotype threat influences both black and white officers, simply having more diversity in police departments may not, in and of itself, reduce uses of force against black citizens. Masculinity Threat. Masculinity threat refers to the fear of being perceived as insufficiently masculine. A script. It is accomplished and re-enacted in everyday relationships.

Jonathan R. Weaver et al. Joseph A. Vandello et al. See Jennifer K. See Aiello, supra note , at 72— Seven of the twenty-two departments studied overtly highlighted these gender differences. Susan L. Against the backdrop of the gendered dimensions of the practices and perceptions of policing, male officers comment on the necessity of proving their masculinity through performance of a straight, macho identity. See Susan L. Miller et al. For instance, patrol officers may not call for help out of concerns that they will be viewed as insufficiently masculine in the eyes of other officers. All of this helps to explain why male officers may feel vulnerable to their colleagues perceiving them as wanting in masculinity.

Researchers have found that masculinity threat predicts uses of force by police against black men both in the lab and in the field. One study found that the more officers were insecure in their masculinity, the more likely they were to use greater force against blacks relative to other racial groups. As a theoretical matter, there are reasons to think that black officers are not immune to the masculinity threat phenomenon we have described. This is all the more likely given that being exposed to racism can cause black men to engage in compensatory performances of masculinity. As an empirical matter, at least one line of research indicates that black police officers experience masculinity threat at similar rates to white officers.

Another line suggests that black officers may experience greater levels of masculinity threat. Professors Kimberly Hassell and Steven Brandl, for example, found, in a study of over a thousand Milwaukee Police Department officers, that black officers were more likely than their white colleagues to report that their peers underestimated their physical ability to do police work, an experience of doubt that has clear implications for masculinity. Kimberly D. While research in the area of masculinity threat remains relatively new, the bottom line for our purposes is that the phenomenon likely impacts black officers.

For arguments about the importance of racial solidarity in the context of the black community, see Stephen L. For a thoughtful discussion of the politics of this term among the black community, see generally Randall Kennedy, Sellout: The Politics of Racial Betrayal , which details the suspicion of racial betrayal in the black community and examines its manifestations in contemporary politics and culture. See Jacquelyn L. Thompson , supra note 29, at 44 citing John L. There are two reasons to posit that racial solidarity threat could engender aggressive policing. First, a black police officer could expect that black suspects, more than suspects of other races, should understand the difficult position in which black police officers find themselves.

These suspects should thus make their encounters with the black police officer go as smoothly as possible by performing a kind of surplus compliance. In the absence of such compliance, the black officer may feel a reduced sense of kinship with his racial group. He may come to believe that the very fact that the black suspect is being noncompliant means that racial affinity or solidarity is doing no work and that the black suspect is invested in giving the black police officer a hard time. Under these circumstances, the officer would not be able to trade on a racially specific form of moral authority — same-race affinity or community.

He would thus — consciously or unconsciously — default to a more authoritarian form of engagement. Black officers might experience even more threat when confronted by African American community members who make it known that they view the officer as a race traitor and a sellout, as in Thompson , supra note 29, at 43 citing Cooper , supra note , at One study provides evidence of this: researchers found that when officers believed that civilians did not respect them and did not view them as legitimate, officers experienced concerns that interactions with these civilians would be more dangerous than interactions with civilians who they believed respected their authority and their legitimacy.

Like other employees in workplaces, how black officers are perceived by their peers matters. Thus, it behooves black police officers to get along with their colleagues, to be good team players, and to fit into their work environment. Professors Devon W. But there are racial constraints on their capacity to do so that could lead them to engage in various forms of racially motivated policing. The effect of this tension is that race — the very thing that might lead one to surmise that black police officers can change the racial culture of policing — might limit their capacity to do so.

The schematic below provides an indication of what this tension might look like. At Point Two, the black police officer forms a view about the criteria his police department values: in this case, a racially targeted hard-on-crime sensibility. At Point Three, the black police officer experiences a conflict between his sense of identity and his sense of the criteria that the institution values. This conflict has to be negotiated. This takes us to Point Four. Here, the officer has to decide whether to compromise his sense of identity. On the other hand, the officer may decide to compromise his sense of self. With the foregoing model in mind, and to make the discussion more specific, imagine that, while driving in a patrol car, a black police officer and a white police officer observe a car change lanes without signaling.

Stipulate that the driver of the car is a black male in his twenties. On the flip side, the black officer also believes that if he refuses to stop the black driver, his white colleague will perceive him to be racially conscious and soft on crime. The officer is experiencing Point Three in the model — the conflict — and has to decide how to negotiate it Point Four. The table below suggests that this conflict negotiation likely is a more salient dynamic than we have thus far discussed in that there are likely multiple moments of conflict between norms that a police department might value and stereotypical perceptions about black police officers.

This table, too, is drawn from previous research on negotiating racial identity in the workplace. As the table reveals, each institutional norm of our hypothetical police department is negatively associated with a stereotype about race. For example, the norm of law abidingness is positioned against the stereotype of blacks as lawbreakers. Similarly, the norm of cooperative institutional citizenship is positioned against the racial stereotype of blacks as uncooperative institutional complainers. These oppositional dualities create an incentive for black police officers to align themselves with the norms that the institution values and signal that they do not have the qualities that are in opposition to those values.

This could lead black police officers to engage in racially targeted policing, not because they have implicit or explicit biases, but because of a pragmatic desire to survive, fit into, and thrive within a particular institutional setting — police departments. One could imagine these dynamics affecting other officers of color for similar reasons. United States v.

Brignoni-Ponce, U. Elements of the model we have described have been substantiated by psychological research. First, work by Professors Jenessa Shapiro and Steven Neuberg supports the idea that officers of color likely feel a conflict between their own values and those of the white majority, and that they may strategically express bias in order to gain esteem among white peers. The researchers found that black men, more than white men, assumed that facially egalitarian white men were likely to hold unstated racial prejudice. Jenessa R. Neuberg, When Do the Stigmatized Stigmatize?

Moreover, the researchers found that black men would engage in public displays of bias in contexts where they believed their behavior toward a fellow person of color would be the basis of social evaluation by whites. In other words, though not specifically demonstrated in a police population, this research suggests that blacks engage in precisely the kind of value comparison we describe in Point Two of the model, and further that the choice to engage in bias nonetheless Point Four represents a compromising of their true attitudes.

Even more alarming, recent research suggests that racially biased policing by black officers seeking approval from white peers may in fact increase the expression of bias among white officers in the department. Professor Ines Jurcevic and colleagues have found that whites who observe a black person putting down a fellow black person will in turn derogate that target too. Ines Jurcevic et al. Using the ruse that participants would be helping on a hiring committee, the researchers showed white participants negative evaluations of a job applicant, ostensibly provided by a member of a hiring committee.

They varied the race of the applicant as well as the race of the committee member and found that participants rated a black candidate more negatively after hearing a black committee member derogate him than after hearing a white committee member give an identical evaluation. While none of what we have said conclusively establishes that black police officers engage in racial profiling, at the very least the above cautions against framing the problem solely with respect to white police officers.

Black officers and other officers of color likely racially profile as well. They should thus figure more prominently in our discussions of the problem and the interventions we fashion to eliminate it. Below we add two additional factors: 1 the structure and organization of police departments, including how those departments allocate work; and 2 the legal backdrop against which police officers act. With respect to this second factor, our particular focus is on the Fourth Amendment. As we will explain, Fourth Amendment law permits police officers to force interactions with civilians with little or no basis. Black police officers, and not just white police officers, likely take advantage of this power.

Many people would be surprised to learn that police departments are sometimes run like businesses. There are bottom lines, quotas, and benchmarks that must be met. One of the most pernicious examples of this dynamic can be found in Ferguson, Missouri. Civil Rights Div. Moreover, additional officers were hired, and shifts were extended to increase opportunities for municipal code enforcement. Jerome H. City of New York, F. This type of proactive policing is typically carried out in indigent, minority neighborhoods. Recall that in his book, Forman highlights how violent crime rates led many African American leaders to embrace tough-on-crime measures, including proactive policing pp. They were not the only ones to do so; on the contrary, those officials were trading on a much broader law-and-order impulse, the intellectual precursors of which were manifested, among other places, in a essay by Professors James Wilson and George Kelling titled Broken Windows: The Police and Neighborhood Safety.

James Q. Kelling and Wilson argued that police could reduce major crimes by focusing on minor crimes that signaled physical and social disorder such as public urination and drinking, loitering, and panhandling. The broken windows theory of policing captured the attention of police chiefs around the country. In cities such as New York, trespassing, marijuana possession, and other low-level offenses went from the least enforced to the most enforced criminal charges, especially in communities of color.

Officers quickly learned that enforcing low-level crimes in neighborhoods of color would benefit their careers. Fabricant, supra note , at These rookies learned early on to engage in these policing practices as a means of moving up in the department. These pressures undoubtedly influenced rookies of all races. Indeed, in August , twelve black and Latino police officers filed a class action lawsuit against New York City and the NYPD on behalf of minority police officers, alleging that the department forced them to carry out precisely the kind of arrest quotas we have described. Post Sept. Times Jan. City of New York, No. Edwin Raymond, the lead plaintiff in the lawsuit, claimed that the NYPD essentially required officers to meet fixed numerical goals for arrests and court summons each month, a policy fundamentally discriminatory against minorities.

Knafo, supra note Weiser, supra note Daily News Jan. The lawsuit, Raymond v. City of New York , is still being litigated. Supervisors also face enormous pressure to promote these proactive policing practices in minority communities. For an example of contemporary policing practices in one major city, Boston, including CompStat, see Jeffrey Fagan et al. One primary reason is the managerial program known as CompStat. In monthly CompStat, NYPD precinct commanders would be grilled and bullied on whether they were able to decrease crime in their jurisdiction. Rayman , supra note , at 19— Because CompStat gathered data on each unit and each officer in the city as well as tracked the number of stops and frisks, vertical patrols, arrests, and so on, it created enormous pressure on commanders to worry about the activity of every single officer within their department.

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