❤❤❤ Why Privacy Matters Even If You Have Nothing To Hide Analysis

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Why Privacy Matters Even If You Have Nothing To Hide Analysis

Notice the striking contrasts. When she Why Privacy Matters Even If You Have Nothing To Hide Analysis up to him, he makes her pay for it—sooner or later. However, as delighted as I am to have had Why Privacy Matters Even If You Have Nothing To Hide Analysis opportunity to gain this insight, I am not one of the The Hospitality Of Xenia In Homers The Odyssey who most Why Privacy Matters Even If You Have Nothing To Hide Analysis What Role Did Conscription Play In Ww1. Nevertheless, the fact remains that they were the ones who instigated the violence, which points to their ultimately violent intentions. Anyhow, about a year ago I made a new friend, Eleanor. External link. Second, I believe in Medication Error Reporting abusers accountable for their actions.

Why privacy matters even if you have nothing to hide

Martin has told me many details, and he is perceptive and sensitive. An abusive man is not a reliable source of information about his partner. What Martin was getting from individual therapy, unfortunately, was an official seal of approval for his denial, and for his view that Ginny was mentally ill. How can abusers be so adept at recruiting team members in this way, including sometimes ones with considerable status or influence, and why do they want to? Several years ago, a young man named Mark came to one of my abuser groups. When a client joins the program, I set behavioral goals with him as soon as possible. One of the things Eileen gets on me about the most is that she says I ignore her.

I like to have time to myself a lot, or to relax and watch television. I guess I kind of tune her out. Make her a higher priority. Eileen was very difficult to reach by phone, but three weeks later she finally called me, with a surprising story to tell:. A few weeks before Mark started your program, I told him that I needed a total break from the relationship. Then, a couple of weeks later, he called me and said that he had enrolled in an abuser program. He said that his counselor wants him to spend more time with me and had written it on his sheet, and that the program told him that being with me was part of how he needed to work on his issues. So I started seeing him again. I want whatever is going to work best to help him change. Mark had succeeded in twisting the abuser program to suit his own purposes.

I explained to Eileen what had happened and apologized for the way my program had added to the many difficulties she already had with him. The high degree of manipulativeness that Mark used is not uncommon among abusive men, unfortunately. How can abusers be capable of such calculation yet at other times appear to be so out of control? The answers can be found in Chapter 2, where we examine the excuses that abusive men use to justify their behavior. Carl was a twenty-six-year-old man who had been arrested repeatedly for domestic assaults and had finally served a few months in jail.

He said to me in a group session:. Going to jail was the last straw. I finally got it that I have to stop blaming my problems on everybody else and take a look at myself instead. I have a bad temper, and kind of a mean streak to tell you the truth, and I have to deal with it. She sounded noticeably distracted and uncomfortable. I suspected strongly that Carl was listening to the conversation, so I made an excuse to wrap it up soon. However, when Carl was at my group the next week, I left my co-leader in charge of the session and slipped out to give Peggy another call, to see if she would feel freer to talk. This time she gave me an earful:. Carl comes home from your program in a rage every week.

He invariably had blamed each attack on her, no matter how brutal his abuse or how serious her injuries. After speaking with Peggy, I returned to the group session, where Carl went through his usual routine of self-exploration and guilt. I of course said nothing; if he knew Peggy had told me the truth, she would be in extraordinary danger. Soon after this, I reported to his probation officer that he was not appropriate for our program, without giving the real reason. Carl created the appearance of learning a great deal at each session, and his comments suggested serious reflection on the issues, including the effects of his abuse on his partner.

What was happening each week inside his mind before he got home? How can an abuser gain such insight into his feelings and still behave so destructively? And how does real change happen? THESE ARE JUST a very few of the many confounding questions that face anyone—the partner of an abusive man, a friend, or a professional—who is looking for effective ways to respond to abusive behavior. I came to realize, through my experience with over two thousand abusers, that the abusive man wants to be a mystery.

To get away with his behavior and to avoid having to face his problem, he needs to convince everyone around him—and himself—that his behavior makes no sense. He needs his partner to focus on everything except the real causes of his behavior. To see the abuser as he really is, it is necessary to strip away layer after layer of confusion, mixed messages, and deception. Like anyone with a serious problem, abusers work hard to keep their true selves hidden. Part of how the abuser escapes confronting himself is by convincing you that you are the cause of his behavior, or that you at least share the blame. But abuse is not a product of bad relationship dynamics, and you cannot make things better by changing your own behavior or by attempting to manage your partner better.

Abuse is a problem that lies entirely within the abuser. Through years of direct work with abusers and their partners, I found that the realities behind the enigmatic abuser gradually came out into the bright light forming a picture that increasingly made sense to me. The pages ahead will take you through the pieces that I watched fall into place one by one, including:. We will explore answers to these questions on three levels. The second is his learning process, through which his thinking began to develop early in his life. And the third involves the rewards he reaps from controlling his partner, which encourage him to use abusive behavior over and over again.

His behavior does make sense. Underneath the facade of irrationality and explosiveness, there is a human being with a comprehensible—and solvable—problem. The abuser creates confusion because he has to. When the world catches on to the abuser, his power begins to melt away. Unmasking the abuser also does him a favor, because he will not confront—and overcome—his highly destructive problem as long as he can remain hidden. The better we understand abusers, the more we can create homes and relationships that are havens of love and safety, as they should be.

Peace really does begin at home. He draws you into focusing on the turbulent world of his feelings to keep your eyes turned away from the true cause of his abusiveness, which lies in how he thinks. He leads you into a convoluted maze, making your relationship with him a labyrinth of twists and turns. He wants you to puzzle over him, to try to figure him out, as though he were a wonderful but broken machine for which you need only to find and fix the malfunctioning parts to bring it roaring to its full potential. To further divert your gaze, he may work to shape your view of his past partners to keep you from talking to them directly and to prepare you to disbelieve them should you happen to hear what they say.

Above all, the abusive man wants to avoid having you zero in on his abusiveness itself. So he tries to fill your head up with excuses and distortions and keep you weighed down with self-doubt and self-blame. And, unfortunately, much of the society tends to follow unsuspectingly along behind him, helping him to close your eyes, and his own, to his problem. The mythology about abusive men that runs through modern culture has been created largely by the abusers themselves. Abusive men concoct explanations for their actions which they give to their partners, therapists, clergypeople, relatives, and social researchers. But it is a serious error to allow abusers to analyze and account for their own problems.

Would we ask an active alcoholic to tell us why he or she drinks, and then accept the explanation unquestioningly? This is what we would hear:. When we hear these kinds of excuses from a drunk, we assume they are exactly that—excuses. So why should we let an angry and controlling man be the authority on partner abuse? In my public presentations on abuse, I often begin with a simple exercise. I invite you to close this book for two or three minutes now and make a similar list for yourself, so that you can refer to it as we go along.

I then ask people to call out items from their lists, and I write them on the blackboard, organizing them into three categories: one for myths, one for partial truths, and one for accurate statements. We usually end up with twenty or thirty myths, four or five half-truths, and perhaps one or two realities. The audience members squint at me and fidgit in their seats, surprised to discover that the common beliefs about the causes of abuse contain several dollops of fantasy and misconception for each ounce of truth.

If you find as you go through this chapter that your own list turns out to contain mostly myths, you are not alone. For the partner of an abusive or controlling man, having all of these mistaken theories pulled out from under you at once can be overwhelming. But for each stick that we pull out of the structure of misconception about abusive men, a brick is waiting to take its place. I hear explanations along the lines of:. So now he really has this thing against women. Multiple research studies have examined the question of whether men who abuse women tend to be survivors of childhood abuse, and the link has turned out to be weak; other predictors of which men are likely to abuse women have proven far more reliable, as we will see.

Notably, men who are violent toward other men are often victims of child abuse—but the connection is much less clear for men who assault women. The one exception is that those abusers who are brutally physically violent or terrifying toward women often do have histories of having been abused as children. If abusiveness were the product of childhood emotional injury, abusers could overcome their problem through psychotherapy.

But it is virtually unheard of for an abusive man to make substantial and lasting changes in his pattern of abusiveness as a result of therapy. He may work through other emotional difficulties, he may gain insight into himself, but his behavior continues. In fact it typically gets worse, as he uses therapy to develop new excuses for his behavior, more sophisticated arguments to prove that his partner is mentally unstable, and more creative ways to make her feel responsible for his emotional distress. Abusive men are sometimes masters of the hard-luck story, and may find that accounts of childhood abuse are one of the best ways to pull heartstrings.

For some abusive men, the blame-the-childhood approach has an additional reason for being appealing: By focusing on what his mother did wrong, he gets to blame a woman for his mistreatment of women. This explanation can also appeal to the abused woman herself, since it makes sense out of his behavior and gives her someone safe to be angry at—since getting angry at him always seems to blow up in her face. The wider society, and the field of psychology in particular, has often jumped on this bandwagon instead of confronting the hard questions that partner abuse raises.

My clients who have participated extensively in therapy or substance-abuse recovery programs sometimes sound like therapists themselves—and a few actually have been—as they adopt the terms of popular psychology or textbook theory. An abusive man may embellish his childhood suffering once he discovers that it helps him escape responsibility. The researcher asked each man whether he himself had been sexually victimized as a child. A hefty 67 percent of the subjects said yes. However, the researcher then informed the men that he was going to hook them up to a lie-detector test and ask them the same questions again.

Affirmative answers suddenly dropped to only 29 percent. Although the typical abusive man works to maintain a positive public image, it is true that some women have abusive partners who are nasty or intimidating to everyone. How about that man? Do his problems result from mistreatment by his parents? His hostility toward the human race may sprout from cruelty in his upbringing, but he abuses women because he has an abuse problem. The two problems are related but distinct. An abusive man deserves the same compassion that a nonabusive man does, neither more nor less. Feeling sorry for your partner can be a trap, making you feel guilty for standing up to his abusiveness.

You should be able to remember how miserable it was to be cut down to nothing, to be put in fear, to be told that the abuse is your own fault. You should be less likely to abuse a woman, not more so, from having been through it. He had a previous partner who mistreated him terribly, and now he has a problem with women as a result. In the most common version of this story, the man recounts how his ex-partner broke his heart by cheating on him, perhaps with several different men.

What he is describing usually are his own behaviors, but he attributes them to the woman so that he is the victim. He can gain sympathy from his new partner in this fashion, especially because so many women know what it is like to be abused—unfortunately—so they can connect with his distress. The abusive or controlling man can draw a rich set of excuses from his past relationships. I recommend applying the following principle to assertions that an angry or controlling man makes about past women in his life:. A man who was genuinely mistreated in a relationship with a woman would not be using that experience to get away with hurting someone else.

Consider the reverse situation for a moment: Have you ever heard a woman claim that the reason why she is chronically mistreating her male partner is because a previous man abused her? I have never run into this excuse in the fifteen years I have worked in the field of abuse. Certainly I have encountered cases where women had trouble trusting another man after leaving an abuser, but there is a critical distinction to be made: Her past experiences may explain how she feels , but they are not an excuse for how she behaves.

And the same is true for a man. What was her side of the story? Did you ever put your hands on her in anger, or did she ever get a restraining order? It is fine to commiserate with a man about his bad experience with a previous partner, but the instant he uses her as an excuse to mistreat you, stop believing anything he tells you about that relationship and instead recognize it as a sign that he has problems with relating to women.

Track down his ex-partner and talk with her as soon as possible, even if you hate her. People cause those they care about most deeply the most pain. Excuses along these lines crop up frequently in my groups for abusive men. I just go out of my head sometimes because I have such strong feelings for her. The things she does really hurt me, and nobody else can get under my skin like that.

There is a grain of truth to it: People we love can cause us deeper pain than anyone else. But what does this have to do with abuse? When they feel jealous, they become possessive and accusatory. When they feel controlled, they yell and threaten. Each human being deals with hurt or resentment in a unique way. When you feel insulted or bullied, you may reach for a chocolate bar. In the same circumstance, I might burst into tears. Another person may put his or her feelings quickly into words, confronting the mistreatment directly. Although our feelings can influence how we wish to act, our choices of how to behave are ultimately determined more by our attitudes and our habits.

We respond to our emotional wounds based on what we believe about ourselves, how we think about the person who has hurt us, and how we perceive the world. Only in people who are severely traumatized or who have major mental illnesses is behavior governed by feelings. And only a tiny percentage of abusive men have these kinds of severe psychological problems. First, many people reserve their best behavior and kindest treatment for their loved ones, including their partners. Should we accept the idea that these people feel love less strongly, or have less passion, than an abuser does? Outside of my professional life, I have known many couples over the years who had passion and electricity between them and who treated each other well.

But unfortunately there is wide acceptance in our society of the unhealthy notion that passion and aggression are interwoven and that cruel verbal exchanges and bomblike explosions are the price you pay for a relationship that is exciting, deep, and sexy. Popular romantic movies and soap operas sometimes reinforce this image. Most abusive men have close relationships with people other than their wives or girlfriends. My clients may feel deep fondness for one or both of their parents, a sibling, a dear friend, an aunt or uncle. Do they abuse their other loved ones? He holds in his feelings too much, and they build up until he bursts. He needs to get in touch with his emotions and learn to express them to prevent those explosive episodes.

This myth has the ring of truth to it because we are all aware of how many men keep too much emotion pent up inside. Since most abusers are male, it seems to add up. In fact, many of them express their feelings more than some nonabusive men. Rather than trapping everything inside, they actually tend to do the opposite: They have an exaggerated idea of how important their feelings are, and they talk about their feelings—and act them out—all the time, until their partners and children are exhausted from hearing about it all. They can fill up the whole house. When he feels bad, he thinks that life should stop for everyone else in the family until someone fixes his discomfort.

My clients keep trying to drive the ball back into the court that is familiar and comfortable to them, where their inner world is the only thing that matters. For decades, many therapists have been attempting to help abusive men change by guiding them in identifying and expressing feelings. It looks like an emotional explosion, so naturally you assume that it is. But the mounting tension, the pressure-cooker buildup of his feelings, is actually being driven by his lack of empathy for your feelings, and by a set of attitudes that we will examine later. And he explodes when he gives himself permission to do so. Does your partner usually get along reasonably well with everyone else except you?

Is it unusual for him to verbally abuse other people or to get in physical fights with men? If he does get aggressive with men, is it usually related somehow to you—for example, getting up in the face of a man who he thinks is checking you out? The great majority of abusive men are fairly calm and reasonable in most of their dealings that are unrelated to their partners. Many therapists have attempted over the years to lead abusive men toward their more sensitive, vulnerable side. But the sad reality is that plenty of gentle, sensitive men are viciously—and sometimes violently—abusive to their female partners.

The two-sided nature of abusers is a central aspect of the mystery. The societal stereotype of the abuser as a relatively uneducated, blue-collar male adds to the confusion. A successful businessperson, a college professor, or a sailing instructor may be less likely to adopt a tough-guy image with tattoos all over his body but still may well be a nightmare partner. Enhance your purchase. In this groundbreaking bestseller, Lundy Bancroft—a counselor who specializes in working with abusive men—uses his knowledge about how abusers think to help women recognize when they are being controlled or devalued, and to find ways to get free of an abusive relationship. He says he loves you. Now you have the chance to see inside the minds of angry and controlling men—and change your life.

Women who are armed with the insights found in these pages will be on the road to recovering control of their lives. Silverman, Ph. Read more Read less. Previous page. Print length. Publication date. September 2, See all details. Next page. Frequently bought together. Total price:. To see our price, add these items to your cart. Choose items to buy together. Customers who viewed this item also viewed. Page 1 of 1 Start over Page 1 of 1. Lundy Bancroft. Patricia Evans. Charlie Donaldson M. What other items do customers buy after viewing this item? Don Barlow. Jackson MacKenzie. Melody Beattie. As important as these questions are, they can also distract us from the heart of the problem.

Bancroft boldly asks—and brilliantly answers—the most important questions of all: Why do so many men abuse women? What can be done about it? This book is desperately needed and long overdue. His valuable resource covers early warning signs, ten abusive personality types, the abusive mentality, problems with getting help from the legal system, and the long, complex process of change…This is essential reading for those in the helping professions and highly recommended. Lundy Bancroft has over twenty-five years of experience in the fields of abuse, trauma, and recovery.

Lundy has worked with over abusive men in his counseling groups. He has also served extensively as a custody evaluator, child abuse investigator, and expert witness, and has presented to audiences across the U. All rights reserved. He just loses control. He calls me disgusting names, and then an hour later he wants sex. He messes up my mind sometimes. The thing is, he really understands me. Why does he do that? Validity was tested by checking the categories back against the original text to ensure that clear examples from each category could be identified in the original text. Content analysis may encompass both a qualitative and a quantitative methodology [ 28 ].

Once the categories were established in the present work, they were expressed using both percentages and actual numbers. This allowed us to describe what the study population had written, and to describe what was both visible and obvious within the accounts [ 28 ]. Again, two of the authors performed these analyses separately. After the coding, some standard descriptive data were also gathered length of stalking, reasons for gang-stalking. Comparisons of the categories generated through the content analysis in the current study were compared with data collected via a survey method [ 5 ].

Respondents to the Sheridan and James survey had provided qualitative responses to a series of questions about stalking victimisation. For the small number of disagreements, consensus was reached via discussion. None of the writers of the narratives described their experiences as having ended. All 50 authors stated or implied that they had been gang stalked for lengthy periods of time e. The narratives were examined to establish whether the perceived reasons for being targeted by gang stalkers could be identified. Reasons were found in 20 of the 50 accounts. In all 20 cases, no named person was believed to be targeting the victim. Representative examples of the reasons given for the gang-stalking were as follows:. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder is a big seller in the area.

They are creating weaponry tested on us. I knew this friend had connects in weird places he knows members of Anonymous, he knows people who work at the Pentagon. I also did a lot of research and was very vocal about being anti-government and anti-corporation. This is what got me targeted. If you are vocal about your positions, then you will eventually run across a civilian spy who will pass the information to their superiors, who will continue to pass the information up the chain of command. My invitation to join came at an early stage via voice-to-skull.

Twenty-four categories of experience were identified in the 50 accounts of self-identified victims of gang-stalking. These are set out in Table 1 , together with the proportions describing them. Spelling errors in the accounts have been corrected to aid comprehension. The categories arrived at fall into six distinct groups. Physical, interference, intimidation and harassment 3 ; targeted by noise 6 ; and physical attacks None of the authors of the narratives described experiences belonging to more than 20 of the 24 categories listed in Table 1.

Changed lifestyle 6 ; financial losses 7 ; efforts to escape from gang-stalkers None endorsed all Table 3 compares the two samples, specifically the categories of experience produced through content analysis in the current study and the same categories applied to materials from the cases in the Sheridan and James [ 5 ] questionnaire study. This comprised free text, ranging in length from to words median , mean The categories of phenomena identified in the current study were found to have been experienced by cases in the earlier study. Significant differences in eight items all concerned greater proportions of particular phenomena being experienced by cases from the current study sample.

Comparisons between content analyses of internet and questionnaire samples on phenomena constituting the experiences of being gang-stalked. The numbers of categories experienced were calculated for both samples. Counts were merged into four groups 1—5, 6—10, 11—15, and 16—24 of the experience types. No significant difference was found between the two study samples in chi-square testing. The same categories of sequalae were found in cases from the earlier study [ 4 ] as in the current study see Table 4. Comparisons between content analyses of internet and questionnaire data on sequelae of being gang-stalked.

The numbers of categories of sequelae experienced were calculated for each sample and merged into three groups for analysis 0—3, 4—7, and 8—11 types of sequelae. There was no significant difference between the two study samples in chi-square testing. It might be assumed that something that affects the lives of so many people would have been the subject of extensive research. However, this is not the case. This is the first study to examine the phenomena of the gang-stalking experiences using a methodology that allows categories to emerge de novo from subjective descriptions.

The only other empirical study of gang-stalking phenomena, of which we are aware, required subjects to fit their own experiences into categories derived from earlier studies of those stalked by individuals [ 5 ]. The categories of experience arrived at through the content analysis in the current study are therefore the clearest available expositions of the core phenomena of gang-stalking. The categories are unlikely to be exhaustive, given that they are based upon the phenomena that the individual subjects chose to report. However, they are likely to constitute those concepts that the individuals considered the most important. As well as extracting categories from the data, this study also grouped data into types, offering the first empirical attempt at a phenomenology of the gang-stalking experience.

Inevitably, this exercise is subject to the limitations of its methodology. The study concerned 50 descriptions of gang-stalking experiences taken from the internet. Yet, whilst not being an ideal source of data, this is one of the few sources available through which the gang-stalking phenomenon can be studied. Data from the internet is convenient and readily available, both to the current authors and others who might wish to replicate this study. Exploratory studies of this type are of value as there is currently little information available to guide agencies that encounter individuals presenting with these complaints.

Such qualitative analyses of online forum content have been used previously in studies seeking to characterise perceptions and experiences within populations and topics that are not well understood [ 29 , 30 ]. The study of gang-stalking experiences must inevitably adopt an exploratory approach, given the lack of published studies in this area. As for the sample itself, the study cases were selected as the first 50 internet searches to satisfy the inclusion criteria, which was approximate to a random sample of such descriptions from the internet, although potential priority effects of the algorithm used within the search-engine cannot be excluded.

The possibility also exists that the results returned by the Google search may have been influenced by previous searches conducted on the computer in question. However, given the nature of the search looking for descriptive accounts , the authors consider that this was more likely to have tightened the specificity of the search than to have introduced bias into its results. The validity of the gang-stalking phenomena extracted from the current study sample is supported by the comparison with earlier results obtained from a self-selected sample using a questionnaire methodology [ 5 ]. In effect, the two studies produced descriptions of the same core themes. Examination of the sequelae of being gang-stalked also produced similar categories to the study by Sheridan and James [ 5 ], supporting the conclusion that the two studies were examining similar phenomena.

The earlier study comprised a more-detailed and substantial exploration of the effects of being gang-stalked, given that it used a battery of specific questions as well as a PTSD rating scale to explore experiences. Whereas this was a weaker methodology in terms of eliciting the phenomena that constitute the gang-stalking experience, it is a superior methodology when examining symptoms and consequences where the subject matter in particular psychological state is appropriately explored through standardised questions.

A factor that stands out in the current study concerns the aggression with which sufferers responded to their experiences see Table 2. Violence in those who have complained of gang-stalking is not unknown. Collectively, the four men killed 28 people and injured 12 more. Sarteschi points to a need for intervention to prevent violent responses, and notes that the men whose cases were detailed in her study had engaged in significant efforts to make others aware of their perceived victimisation, these efforts taking the form of manifestos, videos and audio recordings, and social media posts. The violence perpetrated by these men was motivated by self-defence in the form of a pre-emptive strike and a need to alert the world at large to the dangers posed by gang-stalking.

Serious violence appears to be rare in those experiencing gang-stalking phenomena. The experience of being gang-stalked appears to be a widespread phenomenon that has been subject to little scientific examination. The current study provides a preliminary description of the phenomena involved that was produced by a methodology that did not incorporate pre-conceived assumptions. This provides a foundation upon which further research could be built.

It also serves to confirm the harmful effects of the gang-stalking experience upon sufferers, first set out in the only other study available [ 5 ]. These findings constitute a potent reason why gang-stalking should be regarded as an important subject for study. Whilst it was important to adopt a methodology that allowed the phenomena constituting the experience of gang-stalking to emerge de novo, it would now be appropriate to conduct studies of cases based upon specific questions in order to gain a clearer idea of the proportion of sufferers who experience each category of phenomenon, as the main categories have now been elucidated and the core phenomena described.

This is because higher proportions are likely to be elicited through direct questioning than were found by studying internet descriptions. Finally, whilst this study has described the core phenomena of the gang-stalking experience, the question remains as to whether gang-stalking is a single phenomenon or represents several overlapping phenomena, each with its own defining pattern of experiences. Conceptualisation, L. Methodology, L. Validation, L. Formal Analysis, L. Writing—Original Draft Preparation, L. Writing—Review and Editing, L. Supervision, L. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U.

Published online Apr 6. James , 2 and Jayden Roth 1. David V. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Mar 12; Accepted Apr 3. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Abstract Epidemiological data suggest that as many as 0. Keywords: phenomenology, stalking, gang-stalking, group stalking, prevalence, psychological sequelae. Introduction Stalking denotes a pattern of repeated, unwanted intrusion by one person into the life of another in a manner that causes distress, disruption, or fear [ 1 , 2 ]. Method The study involved a mixed qualitative and quantitative design using content analysis with a sample of self-published accounts of gang-stalking extracted from the Internet. Selection of Sample A sample of 50 written accounts was considered sufficient to capture the overall essence of participant experiences while also giving the data to have adequate quantifiable merit [ 24 ].

Content Analysis In order to gain insight into the subjective experiences of self-defined victims of gang-stalking, a content analysis was conducted [ 26 ]. Statistical Analysis Comparisons of the categories generated through the content analysis in the current study were compared with data collected via a survey method [ 5 ]. Results 3. Length of Stalking None of the writers of the narratives described their experiences as having ended. Reasons for the Gang-Stalking The narratives were examined to establish whether the perceived reasons for being targeted by gang stalkers could be identified.

Categories of Experience of Gang-Stalking Twenty-four categories of experience were identified in the 50 accounts of self-identified victims of gang-stalking. Exemplar Quotes. Some people jumped on me while I was walking along corridors of the office building and pretended like accidents. Fusion Centers, Red Squads, police and sheriffs, people recruited by Homeland Security through Craigslist videos, people paid by the FBI stipends, people with clearances. Most or all of the websites for targets appear false to me, with disinformation galore and trolls writing misleading articles and attacking people trying to communicate.

When I was bullied at my previous company, some police cars followed me for no reason for a mile or two. However, I am not exactly sure who are at the top. They could be some powerful people. Or it could be rogue elements of intelligence agencies around the world. Are you sitting down? Do you have an ability to see beyond the obvious? If not, you are wasting my valuable time. Here is the list: Insurance companies, Government agencies which include Law enforcement, Military, Disability companies, Workers compensation, Pharmaceutical companies, Very rich individuals that have a vested or non-vested interest in another individual. To name a few. I have been forced off the road numerous times while driving my cars. I have had cars come straight at me, making it appear they are creating a head-on collision to scare me.

The cars run into each other practically running over people to get to me. You name them, I will tell you. I just found out the Food Safety and Inspection Service are part of this. I need to be fast as they will wipe this more or less as I type, but some examples I will offer While Boko Haram continues to wreak bloody havoc, debates over its genesis and links to other so-called jihadi groups continue. These have divided scholars into two broad camps.

Second, other researchers led by Andrea Brigaglia and Jacob Zenn de-emphasize the importance of local factors and promote the role of international jihadi organizations, principally al-Qaeda, to the rise and evolution of Boko Haram. This episode concerned a commune that formed part of the nucleus that would become Boko Haram. Virtually every author writing about the genesis of the group has dedicated some time to it. Accounts of what happened are profoundly different, indicating a general lack of clarity and knowledge about the incident. What can be said without controversy is that at some point in , a group of mostly young people from Maiduguri and elsewhere in northern Nigeria went to a northern part of Yobe state in the northeast, near the border with Niger.

The commune was subsequently dismantled by the military, with some members killed and others arrested. The commune members that remained contained part of the seeds of Boko Haram. Given the ongoing debate and misunderstandings surrounding this episode, it is important to understand this event not only for its academic and historical value, but also because it contributes to an understanding of how Boko Haram began, which has practical policy implications today. Among other things, understanding how Boko Haram began remains vital for the sake of successfully defeating the movement. It is essential, also, for the sake of noting early warning signs among similar groups—and preventing them from becoming as established and capable as Boko Haram is today.

Drawing on primary data, including extensive fieldwork in northeastern Nigeria and primary internal documents in Hausa, Kanuri and Arabic, this paper re-examines the Kanamma episode with a view to setting the record straight. It finds that the Kanamma commune was not an al-Qaeda training center, as some have speculated, nor was it a pacific religious community, as suggested by others. While this paper contends that there was no operational linkage between Boko Haram and al-Qaeda in when the Nigerian group was founded, there is evidence of ideological connection between the duo from the very beginning.

Understanding this is important for properly analyzing the Boko Haram phenomenon and helping policymakers design effective strategies to deal with the group and the crisis in Nigeria. A survey of the scholarly literature about Boko Haram reveals a great deal of confusion over almost every single detail of the Kanamma episode. The fact that it happened in the first place and the time period in which it transpired are perhaps the only exceptions.

Authors disagree with one another regarding not only the interpretation of events but on specific facts and figures: what was the population of the commune, for example. Other details are similarly contradictory, such as the number of casualties in the clash, who directed it, what led to the violence, among other things. The reader is left with the difficult task of sorting through a deluge of irreconcilable narratives. The portrayal of the commune in the predominantly Christian-run media of southern Nigeria was particularly instrumental to this branding, and this was later adopted by Western media. But it might also have been deployed for mischievous or stereotypical motives. Nigerian media is not immune to the religious polarization and divisiveness that has characterized the country and its politics since its independence in Southern Nigerian media has consistently sought to portray the North as an Islamist population that cannot coexist with others.

As a result of this newspaper reporting, serious attempts to link the Kanamma commune with the Afghan Taliban in Afghanistan began to appear. David Cook, for instance, suggests that there may have been members of Boko Haram in Afghanistan during the Kanamma episode, even though he also questions that same possibility in the next sentence. Building on this, some academics began to speculate that in actuality Boko Haram began as an al-Qaeda project. Thus, they concluded that al-Qaeda played a significant role in the founding of Boko Haram.

During extensive fieldwork, I interviewed multiple local sources in Kanamma as to what actually happened. The following narrative is based on these accounts. In the evening of Sunday, December 21, , a group of some seventy persons about fifty men and twenty women and children arrived at the southern outskirts of Kanamma. The following day, around eleven of them eight men, three women went to the village market to purchase provisions. Female members entered houses and made the same invitation to women in purdah. That same night, some members of the commune attacked the Kanamma police outpost with machetes, bows and arrows, and catapults, as well as one pistol. From there, they raided the house of Alhaji Komfasa, the chairman of the local government, who escaped by scaling a fence.

The commune members fled by stealing a four-wheel drive car. They proceeded to Geidam, about thirty-five kilometers away, and looted the local government secretariat and the police station there. On December 25, police officers were mobilized to the site of the commune but returned without any casualties on either side. It appears that there was, in fact, no violence at all that day; the police could not access the camp due to its defensive position between two bodies of water, and its only entrance was barricaded with sandbags and a trench in anticipation of a counterattack. On December 31, soldiers and tanks were deployed from Recce Battalion in Nguru about two hundred ten kilometers away. The troops entered the camp in the early hours of January 1, , and at sunrise passed through Kanamma in a truck carrying about twenty bodies, including that of Baalai, said to be the leader of the commune, as well as women and children.

Dispersed fighters were later spotted by villagers, walking either west or southward. Some of them went through Kanamma where they received treatment for minor wounds largely incurred in the bush before leaving. Meanwhile, the actual fighting was over within hours. Residents stated that they were later informed that the same group had previously established a commune on the outskirts of another village called Tarmowa, about sixty-three kilometers from Kanamma. The local government chairman, Alhaji Komfasa—whose house they had raided on December 21, —had asked them to vacate their encampment in that town. However, Boko Haram scholars appear to be unaware of Tarmowa. They only refer to Kanamma, where the violent clash occurred. This is because virtually all of them rely on Nigerian journalistic accounts which, in turn, rely on anonymous unverified sources.

It may be that the activities of the commune in Tarmowa are confused with what transpired in Kanamma. By , there appeared an ideological crack in the ranks of the group that would later become Boko Haram. This crack formed into two main camps, one led by Muhammad Ali and the other by Muhammad Yusuf. The break was over two related issues. The first was whether a Muslim is permitted to live in Nigeria, which is viewed by the group as dar al-kufr abode of unbelief. The second issue concerned timing for the launching of a jihad.

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