✪✪✪ Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay
Protecting Rights, Saving Lives Human Rights Watch defends the Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay of people in 90 countries worldwide, Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice. Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay example, Efrin is home Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay many Alevites and the female co-president is Alevite. Events of There were few other options. I think it was a choice of Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay movement to remain cautious for the moment. Many of the fighters are teenagers when they join. Hera March 5, The patriarchal society enforces rules Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay Why Is Hamlet Relevant Today in such way that affect and shattered Isolation In Prisons Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay of women which limit Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay access to resources and information and consequently keep them in a lower status than…. In recent decades, they have succeeded in Womens Rights In Kurdistan Essay autonomously governed regions within Iraq and Syria.
Feminism in Kurdistan - Elif Sarican
While there has been a recent increase of female politicians, these women face extreme difficulties during their campaigns. This has increase the democracy principle of many of the democratic country that concerned about the equality before the law. Women politicians also pressure the government to set up more facilities for the women in government budget. These show that women are no longer silence and acting no important roles to the society. The goal of feminism is to reach equality. These traditions are hard to break and will not change over time,women under these strict religions do experience violence if they try to break the silence. Malala Yousafzai a girl who spoke out about girls being able to have a education in pakistan against the Taliban.
She had death threats against her and she escaped a gunshot. Now talks about her story and why education is important. Essays Essays FlashCards. Browse Essays. Sign in. Essay Sample Check Writing Quality. Show More. Related Documents Feminism And The Rape Culture They have been known to kill any feminists that are protesting or are known to protest. Read More. Words: - Pages: 7. Even then, questions about the reasons for this were already connect to a critique of the nation state. Both, actually. In a way, that is self-explanatory, but many national liberation movements still criticized the state under which they lived while looking for a solution in creating a nation state of their own.
The problem returns as the solution! Inside the PKK, the criticism of the Turkish nation state led to a questioning of the desirability of a Kurdish nation state in which minorities might yet again be disadvantaged. We all relate to the state as separate individuals while forms of collectivity have, to a large degree, been dismantled. Society is splintered. So if one would try to create a Kurdish nation state, what would be the national language?
Those are the kind of questions the PKK poses and that lead to a lot of discussion within the Kurdish movement in general. But in the texts themselves you hardly ever encounter an interrogation of the Kurdish identity. This gave him almost unlimited access to literature. There are lists of the books he has requested to read in prison and those are very extensive and varied. Bookchin is one of the authors on those lists but he is not very prominent.
Instructions might be putting it too strongly but we could certainly speak of motivation. But take the anarchist movement in the Netherlands in the early twentieth century as an example: Domela Nieuwenhuis was clearly dominant in this movement and left a very strong impression on it. At the same time, there were various forms of self-organization going on. I make a distinction between democratic republic, democratic autonomy and democratic confederalism. Democratic republic is the project of reconstructing Turkey, with at its core a new constitution that would separate civil rights from identity.
Democratic republic is the name for a republic in which civil rights are no longer the privilege of a certain ethnic group; a republic in which the demos is separated from the ethnos. Democratic autonomy means giving people themselves the power to decide on matters that affect them. Democratic confederalism is an administrative structure of the local bodies, councils, in which this power is organized. I think those are the core elements. Democratic modernity or democratic civilization is, I would say, an umbrella term for these principles. Yes, the goal is to form democratic autonomy from below, by making decisions from below.
Democratic confederalism means such decisions are not taken in isolation of the other and are not limited to local concerns and deliberations. Local autonomy needs to be forged in connection with the other, otherwise you could end up in a situation in which a community is only interested in itself and basically ignores the rest of the world. There are some sharp contradictions, especially related to land. Or take southeast Turkey, north Kurdistan, which is also a predominantly agricultural region with only a few pockets of industry, similar to Iranian Kurdistan.
The exception is southern Kurdistan in Iraq, which is a consumer economy based on the export of oil and the import of almost all basic necessities. In southeast Turkey, in particular, a middle class is forming and the social contradictions and social struggles are the main issues facing the movement in the cities. And the question is: how does the movement relate to this? In theory, this question is not really addressed. But last year there were a number of meetings in southeast Turkey to discuss how an economy could be organized under democratic autonomy.
So the issue does receive some attention, but it is easier for the movement to organize people around cultural or linguistic issues than it is around class. When the Turkish state offers no education in the Kurdish language, you can organize that yourself — and then the state can ban this, but at least the contradictions are clear. Reorganizing the economy is more complicated.
This is clearly an issue that receives less attention at the moment. The old PKK regarded both social issues and national liberation as central themes around which to organize people. Under democratic autonomy, in the current ideology, national liberation no longer takes the shape of forming an independent state but rather of self-organization. The social question needs to be a part of that, but in a context of war as in Rojava today, that would look very different from the situation in north Kurdistan, for instance. In Rojava, the distribution of energy and foodstuffs is organized through the organs of democratic autonomy. Still, if the social contradictions deepen, what is the alternative?
At the moment the movement in Rojava has not really been confronted with this issue yet. Many of the landlords have fled and it is not clear what will happen when the war ends, and whether these landlords will return. I think it was a choice of the movement to remain cautious for the moment. In principle, the movement sees the two as simultaneous but also as processes that are ongoing. Instead, they work simultaneously on these issues. But it is the same with the issue of land, and of who owns it — that is also a cultural matter. If these landlords return after years and demand their land back, the people who have been cultivating that land will probably not give in easily. But it did not start with him.
Women played an important role in the early PKK already — maybe they were not many but they had influence. That distinguished the PKK from other left-wing parties at the time, which had no women in leadership roles. At the same time, women in the party often refer to his name. They won this battle. True, but this is an attempt to form a certain subject. The contradiction colonizer-colonized is a contradiction that enables the formation of a group.
The social question is another, although this one is given less attention now , and the contradiction between men and women — the gender question — is another. People who are not affiliated to organizations or who are not party members often play an important role in discussions about left-wing politics, and with the PKK as well you can see that people become active around a certain issue and discuss these issues outside the party as well. They rely strongly on their own education and ideology. At the same time, when you go around the region and look, for example, at bookstores that are close to the movement and that sell books that are published locally, you see a broad range of thinkers.
Think of people like Wallerstein and Chomsky, but Adorno and Gramsci are translated as well. Kurdish scholar Professor Karman Matin of Sussex University, has described the Rojava model as unique in that it emphasizes grassroots participation, an egalitarian approach to gender and increases women's participation in all levels of social, political and public life. Women throughout Kurdistan are well aware of past experiences of women in other parts of the world who have fought alongside men and carried out different political activities in anti-colonial and independence wars -- and then been relegated to the domestic sphere as soon as the wars ended.
Their representatives in Erbil, capital of the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, have repeatedly told me that while they did not want to take Western feminist experiences as examples, they did not want either to repeat the experience of Algerian women during the war of independence or Iranian women during the revolution. PYD female representatives in Erbil have told me that they would continue in their vanguard role both "at war but also peace time, against oppression at home as well as in public space.
As noted Arab feminist and writer Nawal El Saadawi said in a statement , "Kurdish women lead a war for freedom and democracy against oppression and subservience and tell the world that women are equal to men. They represent women throughout the world. The PYD, a sister party of the left wing PKK movement, has sought to ensure the real involvement of women in polity and revolution. The party has a large number of women members and the equality decree is an indicator of its social and political progress. However, nurturing the progressive spirit expressed by the decree and turning it into a reality beyond the current situation will require continued vigilance and effort by women themselves.