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Harris Todaro Model



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War Radiation Disease. Job opportunities Better living conditions The feeling of having more political or religious freedom Enjoyment Education Better medical care Attractive climates Security Family links Industry Better chances of marrying. Colonization Demographics of the world Diaspora Early human migrations Environmental migrant Existential migration Expatriate Feminisation of migration Genographic Project Geographic mobility Globalization Humanitarian crisis Illegal immigration Linguistic Diversity in Space and Time Immigration to Europe List of diasporas Jewish diaspora Migrant literature Migration in China Most recent common ancestor Offshoring People flow Political demography Queer migration Refugee roulette Religion and human migration Replacement migration Separation barrier Settler colonialism Snowbird person Space colonization Timeline of maritime migration and exploration.

International Organization for Migration, S2CID Archived from the original on Retrieved 7 June Encyclopedia of the City. ISBN Immigration: Differences and Similarities". Retrieved The World Bank Data. World Bank Group. Retrieved ; Migrations and Remittances Factbook , p. World Migration Report Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. International Organization for Migration. Retrieved 26 November New Delhi: Sage Publications. McKinsey Global Institute. The Economist. ISSN September Journal of Economic Perspectives.

Washington, D. Retrieved 25 March As noted on p. International Migration Review. In Triandafyllidou, Anna ed. Handbook of Migration and Globalisation. Handbooks on Globalisation Series. Archived from the original on 14 July Retrieved 14 July The proximity of North Africa to southern Europe, the liberal mobility policies of most European countries, and the historical links between northern and southern Mediterranean countries are all key factors encouraging people to migrate to Europe. Explorations in Economic History.

Migration and diaspora in the age of information and communication technologies. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 38 9 , Migration and the Internet: Social networking and diasporas [Special issue]. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 38 9. Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis : Retrieved 18 May Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago : The International Migration Review. JSTOR PMID Reframing Migrant Integration. Kibworth, Leicestershire: Book Guild Publishing published Retrieved 12 January July International Security.

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The New York Times. Retrieved April 23, Hidden categories: CS1 Armenian-language sources hy All articles with dead external links Articles with dead external links from July Articles with permanently dead external links Articles with short description Short description matches Wikidata All articles with vague or ambiguous time Vague or ambiguous time from September All articles with unsourced statements Articles with unsourced statements from September Pages using div col with small parameter Wikipedia articles needing factual verification from October Articles with specifically marked weasel-worded phrases from October Vague or ambiguous time from January Articles needing additional references from May All articles needing additional references Commons category link is on Wikidata Articles with GND identifiers Articles with NKC identifiers Articles with MA identifiers.

Balanced growth theories of Ragnar Nurkse advocate a. Critical minimum effort refers to a. The Arthur Lewis model utilizes the assumption that, a. If a country experiences a rapid increase in per-capita income due to discovery of new oil reserves, then it is experiencing: a. According to Kuznets, the identifying characteristic of "modern economic growth" is a. Investment in totaled L43 billion. What was the value of the ICOR? It cannot be determined from these data. All but one of the following elements is a characteristic of the demographic transition.

Which one is the exception? Initially high birth rate and death rate. Initially low rate of natural increase. A sharp fall in the death rate followed with a lag by a decline in the birth rate. The supply curve of labor to industry is horizontal if there is surplus labor in agriculture. The condition occurs as long as: a. Which of the following statements is consistent with Hirschman'ss theory of unbalanced growth? A country should focus on industry, because agriculture is not a dynamic sector.

To initiate the industrialization process a country requires a "big push. When certain industries are developed first, linkage effects will induce the development of new industries. Which of the following is a direct implication of the view that childbearing is an economic decision? People will not have additional children unless they can earn a profit from doing so. Social factors have no effect on childbearing decisions.

Compulsory education will increase fertility by raising each child's prospective earnings. The primary focus of development strategy during the 's was on a. Reduction in unemployment, b. Increase in foreign trade, d. Increase in literacy. The extraction of iron ore has increased on account of increased demand for steel. The above is an example of a. Forward linkages, b. Backward and forward linkages, d. According to W. Rostow, which of the following does not belong to the "precondition for take off": a. Increased agricultural productivity, b. Political stability, c. Development of social overhead capital, d. If a situation exists where it is not profitable for any single producer to expand production because of market limitation, then the best strategy for the country to adopt would be a.

Unbalanced growth strategy, c. Employment growth strategy, d. An unbalanced growth strategy may be desirable if a. Indivisibilities are important, b. Expansion costs are important, c. Which of the following is not true about agriculture's role in economic development a. Provides labor for non-agricultural sector, b. Provides a market for non-agricultural commodities, c. Source of industrial raw materials, d. Which of the following is not a weakness of the import substitution strategy of growth a. Leads to a balance of payments problem, d. Reduces exports of agricultural goods. According to the Harrod-Domar model, an increase in growth rates depends on a.

Increase in capital-output ratio b. Increase in marginal propensity to consume, d. In the Harrod-Domar model, it is assumed that the elasticity of substitution between capital and labor is a. Infinite, b. One, c. Between zero and one, d. In the theory of demographic transition, the rate of growth of population is likely to increase in a. Period I, b. According to Malthus, the fixed factor of production is a. Labor, b. Capital, c. According to Malthus, examples of preventive checks are a. Abortion, b. Famine, d. Both a and b. In a perfectly competitive economy, if the demand curve for labor is infinitely elastic then all of the national income will accrue to a. Capitalists, c. Landlords, d.

According to A. Sen, famines are most likely to occur on account of a. At the same time, the use of this improved urbanization measure makes the urban-rural gap slightly smaller and for some countries the urban-rural gap is contingent on which measure is used. For example, for Ivory Coast the urban-rural life evaluation gap produced using the perceived urbanization measure is 0. Once the degree of urbanization measure becomes available for a larger number of years and countries, future research should examine the underlying reasons for these differences. Can we observe a time trend in the difference between urban-rural happiness over the short twelve-year timespan considered here?

Previous literature has been mainly focused on the Western world [60] and showed that differences in the average happiness of those living in the city and countryside have been quite stable over time. In order to examine developments in other parts of the world, we utilized the Gallup World Poll data for the period , pooling the data for the period into a single observation due to the more limited country set before and to obtain a robust baseline level. With regards to the trends in urban minus rural differences in life evaluations, positive affect, and negative affect see Online Appendix G, Figure G1 the following main conclusions can be drawn:.

In the second section of this chapter, we have seen that there are considerable differences in happiness between urban and rural areas of countries and that these differences are contingent on the level of development of a country. However, pinpointing the exact reasons for these geographical differences in happiness within countries is challenging. On the one hand, geographical differences can be attributed to urban-rural differences in the quality of the living environment or imbalances between happiness advantages and disadvantages of living in certain areas of the country.

On the other hand, lower levels of happiness in certain areas can also be explained by selection and composition effects, such as the fact that urban and rural areas attract and are home to different types of people. To explore the relative importance of higher standards of living in cities we use a Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition see Online Appendix I [61] that draws on several factors in order to explain the difference between urban and rural assessments of happiness in Sub-Saharan Africa. Both the people and place factors subsume groups of variables and, therefore, we report their joint statistical significance.

Although we try to distinguish between the people-based and place-based effects, the two are not always separable. For example, higher income and lower levels of unemployment in urban areas may be result of concentrations of higher skilled and talented people in cities selection and composition effects as well as better job opportunities. Likewise, we consider social capital and feelings of safety to be people-based, while it can be argued that at least part of the factors are location-bound.

We focus on two extremes present in the dataset. We conclude with a brief overview of underlying reasons for urban-rural happiness differentials in other parts of the world. However, the rapid growth of the urban population stimulates economic opportunity and increases access of a rising number of people to superior infrastructure and related services. It seems that Sub-Saharan Africa is not prepared for its urban expansion and many African governments are trying to limit rural-urban migration. Internal migration accounts for a significant proportion of urbanization in Africa with most of the urban growth projected to take place in small and intermediate cities and not in the megacities.

Instead, with a young population and high fertility rates, natural increase is the primary driver. The speed of urbanization in Africa poses a number of challenging questions when it comes to understanding the geography of happiness in Sub-Saharan Africa. Based on these subjective assessments, we find a higher evaluation of life returned by those living in areas they classify as urban and peri-urban.

There are very real challenges to development in the African countryside e. The high expectations many Africans have of cities may help to explain both the positive affect and the markedly higher life evaluations expressed by urban residents in Africa. Of the 0. The dominant factor associated with the urban-rural differential is the better economic situation in cities 0. Other factors that favour the city are a higher level of economic optimism 0. Urban-rural differences with regards to these factors are shown in Table 4. When re-estimating the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition for positive and negative affect in Sub-Saharan Africa, we draw more or less similar conclusions, with health and community attachment playing a more important role and education a less important role in explaining urban-rural differences.

These results can be found in Online Appendix J. At the same time, we do not have objective characteristics of the settlement in which people live, but only the subjective perceptions of its actual features, which are in part dependent on people-based characteristics. Different kinds of people fit best in different kinds of living environments, and therefore people do not necessarily rate place characteristics in a similar way. For Sub-Saharan Africa, we examined whether some groups in society are better off in the countryside than the city. We found that life evaluation levels for all major socio-demographic groups were higher when living in cities, and that this was especially marked for the more highly educated as the moderation analysis in Figure 4.

Although many of the lower educated also experience hardship in Sub-Saharan African cities, relatively speaking, they are still better off in the cities. When it comes to differences in happiness across the urban hierarchy the distinctive feature of the countries in Northern and Western Europe, Northern America, and Australia-New Zealand NWAS is not only the higher average level of happiness of the majority who live in cities, but also the equally high and sometimes higher level of happiness of those who live in rural areas.

The urban paradox described in phase B of Figure 4. It shows the contributions of each variable group in explaining the life evaluation gap of We find that higher happiness scores in rural areas are particularly explained by higher degrees of community attachment and housing affordability and a lower percentage of single households. While people in urban areas are more positive about the country, more optimistic, healthier, and higher educated than people in rural areas, the lower well-being of the majority predominates see Table 4.

The variables we have used in the decomposition do not fully explain the urban-rural differential in the Western world see also Online Appendix L and it is possible that longer commutes, higher inequality, traffic congestion, and stress associated with daily urban life lowers the social capital experienced by many. In addition, issues of safety and security may contribute to the lower social capital of those in cities. At the same time, some of the same factors are likely to be valued differently in urban and rural areas.

For example, social capital and being a native inhabitant i. A more elaborate discussion is beyond the scope of this chapter, but these findings do show that explaining urban-rural differentials in the Western world may involve a different set of factors than was apparent in the African case. We also examined which groups in society are better off in the countryside than the city see Figure 4. While most subgroups are similarly happy in urban and rural areas, there are three notable exceptions. A first exception is that those aged are on average significantly happier in rural areas. Indeed, a moderation analysis reveals that those aged tend to feel relatively happier in rural areas compared with those in the group.

These findings are consistent with findings in the literature that highly educated students in the United Kingdom experience happiness benefits from moving to the city, while less-highly educated students experience negative effects from moving to the city see Online Appendix K. A second and related exception is that the low and medium educated are generally happier in rural areas than in urban areas. A moderation analysis reveals that, correspondingly, low educated people are relatively unhappy in urban areas compared with medium and highly educated people. Third, we find that international migrants are relatively happy in urban areas. In summary, the quest for and achievement of education is a major inducement to urban living in both developing and developed economies.

The large cities in particular provide the necessary infrastructure for realisation of returns to tertiary education as a result of the expansion of both the scale and scope of economic and cultural activities. The tertiary educated in turn attract a large number of the less educated who work in the non-tradable sector where they are potentially more vulnerable to monopsonistic [83] employment practices.

However, the economic imperative of working locally for low wages competes with the rising price of residence close to work resulting in many service workers having to endure long commutes. The resulting gap in happiness is further stretched by joint effect of education and income on the level of social interaction in the large city, in part because the longer commute reduces quality time with family and leisure and lower incomes limit the scope for social interaction in an increasingly commercialised environment.

Since the educated are better paid and can exercise a much wider choice as to where to live, they can not only live closer to work, but cluster geographically and thereby solidify social networks which enhance their subjective well-being. In our analyses on urban-rural happiness differentials, we have focused on Sub-Saharan Africa and the Western world as two extremes. However, how do these two world regions compare to other parts of the world?

Although every region has its particularities which need further research , a number of general conclusions can be drawn:. In this chapter, we have examined urban-rural happiness differentials across the world. In line with earlier research, we found that urban populations are, on average, happier than rural populations in that they return higher levels of happiness. Our results are robust to different measures of well-being: life evaluations, positive affect, and negative affect, although differences are most pronounced for the life evaluation measure. The differences we found can primarily be explained by higher living standards and better economic prospects in cities, especially for those with education. At the same time, the relative importance of these place and people effects may vary from country to country and, hence invite a case-study approach.

In this chapter, urban-rural differences in well-being were shown to be strongly dependent on development level, and as Figure 4. In contrast to other parts of the world, in many countries in Northern and Western Europe, Northern America, and Australia-New Zealand, the relatively much smaller rural populations have higher average levels of well-being than urban populations. This can partly be explained by the fact that despite the larger urban areas having higher proportions of tertiary educated residents the tertiary educated are still in the minority. By comparison, the much larger less-educated majority face higher costs of living in cities relative to income, include a larger proportion of singles on low incomes many of whom are students , and for a variety of reasons including reduced access to owner occupied housing and longer average commutes, experience return lower levels of well-being.

The results are consistent with what we already know about the urban paradox, but local variations in such patterns warrant further research. In this regard, our research has also shown that some groups are better able to reap the advantages of cities and are less exposed to the negative effects of cities than others. In this research, we found that the urban happiness advantage is considerably larger for higher educated people than for lower educated people, both in Sub-Saharan Africa and Northern and Western Europe, Northern America, and Australia-New Zealand.

Future research should in this regard examine more specifically which kind of living environment is best for which kind of people, specifically turning attention to lifestyles. Of particular importance in the Western world are the higher real housing costs the lower educated face in cities, resulting in longer commutes, which lowers time for leisure and time with family, coupled with compounding relative income effects in highly proximate environments. These are disadvantages generated from within the large conurbation rather than the result of selective in-migration from a relatively tiny rural population base. Although the Gallup World Poll data has allowed considerable progress in understanding the geography of urban-rural differences in subjective well-being there remain several open questions.

The first of these concerns the sensitivity of the urban-rural differences to the way we measure subjective well-being. The three measures we have explored here — life evaluation, and the positive and negative experiences recalled from the day before — differ not only on average across countries but from country to country, as observed earlier almost a decade ago. Secondly, when it comes to happiness, the effect of place is conditional upon the people who live there and vice versa. Any expression of happiness from a place-specific sample is going to reflect the combined effect of the actual features of a place, subjective perceptions of its features, and how the difference between the two varies with both the characteristics of places and people themselves.

Our appreciation of these interactions and how they vary with the measure of subjective well-being warrants a closer analysis, beginning with a case study approach. Related to this point and as earlier mentioned in this chapter, future research could also use more objective measures of urbanization, as presented in the Annex of this World Happiness Report. In both these parts of the world, it is the reclassification of formally rural areas as urban that explains much of the growth in urbanization. In other words, vast numbers of people in these countries become urbanized without moving.

A related third issue begs the meaning of place itself. The way we bound place — urban and rural, for example — is often quite arbitrary. Based on several pioneering applications using other global surveys [88] , the scope for multilevel modelling of the contemporary Gallup World Poll samples remains considerable. A fourth feature, which space has prevented us from exploring in this chapter, is the relationship between average levels of happiness and the variance in happiness.

There is considerable scope for extending to other countries the testing of the thesis that economic growth is inversely related to subjective well-being inequality [89] even if it does not increase average subjective well-being. Our discussion of the urban paradox also highlights a fifth issue — namely the spatial well-being consequences of socio-economic inequality.

Well-being assumes a geography as a result of two processes: spatial sorting and in-situ adaptation. Both are influenced primarily by the resources households have available, and while the market largely determines who lives where and under what conditions [92] , the internal geography of well-being is heavily conditioned by the characteristics of the country itself and its level of development. As a sixth point, when it comes to understanding the geography of happiness within urban areas, competition for residence close to central city places results in a negative relationship between income and commuting distance.

For this reason, we would recommend the addition of a question on duration of the commute to the questions in the World Gallup Poll as this would go some way in our understanding the non-linear well-being consequences of urban size. A final point to emerge from our work is the role of personality and genetic predispositions and their influence on well-being. It would be valuable to ask these and related questions in future research. Albouy, D. Are big cities really bad places to live? Alirol E.

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